World influencer Walter Isaacson elucidates the significant impact the United States had on shaping the global landscape following World War II.
Rewritten Article:
Steve Inskeep, Host:
Eight decades ago, America celebrated the end of World War II, marking a turning point in global history.
(Life-of-the-party music playing)
Inskeep:
A vintage newsreel captures the atmosphere in New York's Times Square in May 1945.
(Vintage newsreel soundbite)
Inskeep Voiceover:
Throughout the world, the people cheered the victory in Europe.
(Newsreel soundbite)
Inskeep:
Yet, triumph over Japan remained unattained. President Harry S. Truman addressed the nation.
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Truman:
General Eisenhower informs me that the forces of Germany have surrendered to the United Nations.
Inskeep:
Truman's use of the phrase "United Nations" hints at the deeper story we delve into. The victors of the war designated themselves as the United Nations, later gifting the moniker to a global institution that has remained a fixture in our world since its inception. As we commemorate multiple anniversaries this year, we'll delve into the world America crafted then and reflect on how we're reshaping it now. Let's start with Walter Isaacson, a prolific author whose work includes a book on the years when the U.S. contributed to Europe's rebuilding. The U.S. invested billions into what became known as the Marshall Plan.
Isaacson:
The Marshall Plan created new markets for American goods, stemming the spread of Soviet-backed communism. But it also represented one of history's most generous acts, resuscitating Europe after a devastating war.
Inskeep:
This kickstarted a fresh era of U.S. global involvement.
Isaacson:
Post-WWII, we established a slew of innovative institutions. One of those was the United Nations. Following the Marshall Plan, we saw the Bretton Woods agreements, paving the way for the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the general agreement on tariffs and trade, which eventually morphed into the World Trade Organization. All these organizations were designed to bolster free markets and protect democracy, particularly as the Cold War heated up.
Inskeep:
You've written a book titled "The Wise Men." It explores some of the masterminds behind America's post-WWII policies. People often question those figures today—ones with Ivy League backgrounds, moving between government, academia, and Wall Street. Figureheads like Dean Acheson come to mind; he served as a secretary of state and advisor to numerous presidents. What was Acheson's vision for the world?
Isaacson:
Dean Acheson and his colleagues, part of the "Wise Men," focused on preventing the spread of Soviet communism. Acheson, a realist, recognized the mistakes made after WWI's Treaty of Versailles, in which defeated nations faced harsh punishment. The reconstruction of Germany and Japan, Acheson believed, would secure global stability. Consequently, for the past eight decades, we've witnessed a close alliance between the U.S., Germany, and Japan.
Inskeep:
So, the fundamental components here appear to be robust American alliances, global organizations, and an emphasis on free trade and global commerce. What have some of the pitfalls of these building blocks been, and what's the arguments against them over the past eight decades?
Isaacson:
An initial fracture in this foundation emerges from the principle of free trade, immigration, and mobility being powerful forces for wealth creation but leaving certain groups behind. This often leads to a nationalist backlash, as evident in movements such as the populist Hungarian government, Brexit, and Donald Trump's Presidency. These tensions center around multinational systems that champion free trade. As I began recognizing the resistance to this world order approximately 15 years ago, I understood the resentment felt by those who lost jobs due to globalization but were unable to find work at home.
Inskeep:
Has America become more polarized since these institutions were being established?
Isaacson:
America was less polarized in the post-WWII era, largely due to the return of the "greatest generation" from the war. Material conditions, such as the availability of grants for veterans to buy homes, fostered a stronger sense of community. However, the need for a civil rights movement highlighted groups left out of that consensus.
Inskeep:
As you've written a book about that era, you've undoubtedly stepped into it, metaphorically speaking. What was that experience like for you?
Isaacson:
Writing about those who placed their country above party felt glorious. The Wise Men, three Republicans and three Democrats, made decisions based on national interest and values rather than party politics. I find that trait sorely lacking in today's extremely partisan and polarized environment.
Inskeep:
Do you believe in these structures—U.S.-led alliances, global institutions, and free trade—still?
Isaacson:
My perspective has evolved, as I originally adhered strongly to the laudable aspects of free trade. Yet, witnessing the 15-year-old populist backlash, I realized the harm and resentments felt by those displaced by globalization. I believe that these institutions enabled people to afford flat-screen TVs on a Sunday night but failed to address the accompanying loss of jobs on Monday mornings.
Inskeep:
Was the United States any less divided in the late 1940s, when these institutions were coming into being?
Isaacson:
The U.S. in the 1940s was less polarized due to the return of the veterans. My father, for example, was able to buy a home with government assistance. Nevertheless, a significant civil rights movement was necessary to address those who were excluded from the consensus.
Inskeep:
You've penned a book delving into that era. What did it feel like, being a part of that America, even in your thoughts?
Isaacson:
There was an aura of integrity about those writing about individuals placing country above party. The Wise Men, three Republicans and three Democrats, always kept the national interest and values at heart. I find this trait sadly lacking today, as everything has become partisan, polarized, and dominated by ideology.
Inskeep:
Are you able to envision what will replace the world America created?
Isaacson:
We haven't yet seen the equivalent creativity of those 80 years ago, dreaming up the next set of institutions needed for resolving contemporary issues, such as climate change and terrorism. For now, we need structures that foster prosperity while ensuring that all benefit and sharing in that prosperity, guaranteeing trade protection in addition to global commerce, and acknowledging the importance of domestic manufacturing for a thriving democracy.
- Steve Inskeep, in examining the anniversary of World War II's end, references Harry S. Truman's use of the term "United Nations" in his speech, hinting at the evolution of the global institution.
- Walter Isaacson, discussing the Marshall Plan, notes that it not only boosted American economy but also rescued Europe post-war.
- Isaacson also points out the establishment of the United Nations following the Marshall Plan, and mentions other organizations like the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Trade Organization, as a result of the Bretton Woods agreements.
- Exploring the backlashes against the principles of free trade, immigration, and mobility, Isaacson identifies movements such as Brexit, the populist Hungarian government, and Donald Trump's Presidency, as examples of resistance to the world order.
- Reflecting on the post-WWII era, Isaacson suggests that America was then less polarized due to returning soldiers' integration into society, but acknowledges the need for a civil rights movement to address exclusion.
