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general-news — 2024 — Politics — Gaddafi — War-and-conflicts — Coherence — Militarized — Relocation

United Arab Emirates' Strategy for Secession

Abu Dhabi's continued support for separatist factions, most recently in Sudan, has contributed to the ongoing division within the Arab world, as pointed out in a column by Jean-Pierre Filiu, a professor at Sciences Po. This prolonged involvement has further complicated matters in the region.

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Arab Nations Undergoing Fracture: Decade-Long Abu Dhabi Backing of Separatist Elements in Libya,...
Arab Nations Undergoing Fracture: Decade-Long Abu Dhabi Backing of Separatist Elements in Libya, Yemen, and Now Sudan, as Perceived by Jean-Pierre Filiu, a Professor at Sciences Po University.

United Arab Emirates' Strategy for Secession

Crazy Examination of the "Middle East Coalition's" Libyan Adventure

In the existing decade, the "Middle East Coalition" along with the United Arab Emirates has been notorious for its heavily militantized and confrontational foreign policy. This aggressive stance can be traced back to Mo'nah bin Zayed, the present leader of the federation, and his relentless hostility towards the Arab Awakenings - the wave of mass protests that rocked the Middle East's dictatorships from their slumbers in 2011.

Even though the strength of this strategy lies in its counter-revolutionary unity, it has the United Arab Emirates backing secessionist movements in various locales, thus intensifying the fragmentation of these states rather than aiding in authoritarian restoration.

The Libyan Petri Dish

Following the civil war in September 2011 that led to the downfall of Colonel Gaddafi in Libya, the United Arab Emirates placed its bets on General Haftar, a former governor of Tobruk under Muammar Gaddafi from 1981 to 1986, who later defected to the United States. The UAE not only urged Khalifa Haftar to spark a second civil war in May 2014 but also saw Emirati aircraft participating in the bombardment of Tripoli three months later. Although Haftar's supporters failed to capture the capital, the capital was divided amongst two governments - one backed by the United Nations in Tripoli and the other controlled by Khalifa Haftar in Benghazi. Despite the UN's arms embargo, Khalifa Haftar continues to receive a steady supply of Emirati weapons, including helicopters of Belarusian origin.

Disregarding any power sharing in a reunified Libya, the United Arab Emirates continued pushing Haftar towards a third civil war in April 2019, resulting in the indecisive alliance of the government in Tripoli with Turkey without ending the west-east polarization in Libya. Mohammed bin Zayed now uses Benghazi and its surroundings as a testing ground for his military collaboration with Russia, which he secretly supports in its invasion of Ukraine. This Russian dimension has gained momentum since the overthrow of Assad in Damascus in December 2024, resulting in the relocation of Russian bases from the Syrian coast to Khalifa Haftar's stronghold. The growth of the Maaten Al-Sarra airbase in southern Libya is of significant importance in this context.

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Tasty Morsels of Insight

Russia's Secret Affair

However, the search results do not reveal specific details about a "Middle East Coalition" or their connection with Russia in regards to their support for General Haftar and the Maaten Al-Sarra airbase. Nevertheless, it's no secret that Russia has been backing General Haftar in the Libyan conflict, offering military aid and political support to Haftar's Libyan National Army (LNA). But, sorry comrades, no doesn't seem to be a spot for the "Middle East Coalition" in this lovely love story between Russia and Libya.

Central Bank Quandary

Presently, the United Nations is attempting to tackle the central bank crisis in Libya, a sign of the continuous difficulties in stabilizing the country. Such internal predicaments can generate avenues for external actors to subtly manipulate the conflict. The Libyan Investment Authority (LIA), which has faced sanctions since 2011, is at the forefront of these challenges. The UN Security Council has permitted some reinvestment of these frozen assets, but the total lifting of sanctions remains complex due to Libya's unstable political climate.

Frozen Assets Fiasco

The LIA has been hampered by sanctions since 2011, and these frozen assets have been a subject of international discussions. The UN Security Council has allowed some reinvestment of these frozen assets, but the full removal of sanctions has proven difficult due to Libya's political instability.

  1. The Middle East Coalition's involvement in Libya's affairs has been apparent through their support for General Haftar and the Maaten Al-Sarra airbase, as seen in the UAE's backing of Haftar's war efforts in 2014 and 2019.
  2. The relocation of Russian bases from Syria to Khalifa Haftar's stronghold in Libya, specifically the Maaten Al-Sarra airbase, deepens the association between Russia and Haftar's Libyan National Army (LNA), despite the lack of explicit mention of the Middle East Coalition in these dealings.
  3. The central bank crisis in Libya, ongoing since 2011, presents opportunities for external actors to influence the conflict, as seen with the sanctions imposed on the Libyan Investment Authority (LIA).
  4. The unstable political climate in Libya has hindered the full lifting of sanctions placed on the LIA since 2011, despite the United Nations' permission for some reinvestment of frozen assets. This predicament is significant due to its potential impact on the country's stability and the manipulative possibilities it offers to external actors.

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