Proposal solicited for a new directive to safeguard laborers from harmful chemical exposures, as per the Commission's request.
In the heart of Germany, a contentious debate is unfolding, centering on the future of welfare payments (Bürgergeld) for Ukrainian refugees. The chief proponent of this debate is Markus Söder, the leader of Bavaria’s Christian Social Union (CSU). Söder advocates for significant cuts in financial support for both new arrivals and those already residing in Germany, citing low employment rates among Ukrainians despite their qualifications [1][2][3].
Currently, Ukrainian refugees in Germany receive Bürgergeld, an amount equivalent to what unemployed Germans receive—approximately €563 monthly for single adults—along with rent and health insurance coverage funded by taxpayers. They also have immediate access to the labor market, making Germany one of the most generous EU countries in terms of support for Ukrainians displaced by war [1].
Söder's proposals extend beyond the existing government coalition agreement, which planned cuts only for newly arrived Ukrainian refugees, excluding those already settled in Germany. He suggests replacing Bürgergeld with more basic asylum seeker benefits for Ukrainians to incentivize employment. However, researchers from the German Federal Employment Agency’s Institute for Labour Market and Vocational Research report that the employment rate for Ukrainians was around 34.9% as of May 2025 and is rising steadily, with social benefits having only a minor, statistically insignificant effect on employment rates [2].
The federal government, while aligned with some cuts for new arrivals, has faced resistance from coalition partners, particularly the Social Democrats (SPD), making the debate a heated one. Some far-right parties support ending aid altogether [4][5].
As of July 2025, the number of unemployed Ukrainian refugees stood at 217,000 [6]. A significant portion of this expenditure goes to refugees [7]. The employment rate of Ukrainian refugees has risen from 16% in 2022 to 30% in 2024 [8], according to information from the Federal Institute for Population Research (BIB). Experts suggest that linguistic and bureaucratic hurdles make it difficult for Ukrainian refugees to enter the job market [9].
The demand to reduce welfare payments for refugees is part of a long-standing debate in the country. Critics argue that the current social benefit for refugees is higher than that under the Asylum Seekers' Benefits Act and does not provide enough incentive for work [10]. On the other hand, supporters argue that the state could potentially make savings by reducing welfare payments for Ukrainian refugees [11].
It is essential to note that Ukrainian refugees currently automatically receive a residence title without submitting an asylum application. This regulation grants access to welfare payments under the Residence Act [12]. The proposal to cut refugee welfare payments has both supporters and critics, with the outcome of the debate remaining uncertain.
The tone of the debate regarding welfare payments is reported to be sharpening, raising concerns about the potential impact on the lives of Ukrainian refugees in Germany. As the debate continues, the German government faces the challenge of striking a balance between providing support to refugees and encouraging self-sufficiency.
The policy-and-legislation surrounding welfare payments for Ukrainian refugees in Germany is a topic of intense politics, with Markus Söder, leader of Bavaria’s Christian Social Union (CSU), advocating for significant cuts in financial support. This debate extends beyond the existing government coalition agreement and has sparked heated discussions within the federal government, particularly with coalition partners like the Social Democrats (SPD). The general news coverage of this issue highlights concerns about the potential impact on the lives of Ukrainian refugees living in Germany.
