Personal Account: Navigating Diplomatic Intersections in Eurasia

In early 1992, I found myself assigned as the U.S. ambassador to Kazakhstan, an unexpected yet intriguing turn of events. Arriving just in time for the first U.S. Operation Provide Hope airlift, I knew little about Central Asia, let alone Kazakhstan. Fortunately, I dived headfirst into Martha Olcott's book, "The Kazakhs," gaining insights into Kazakh life. With a background in nuclear arms negotiations, I was familiar with the region's nuclear legacy, as detailed in Togzhan Kassenova's "Atomic Steppe: How Kazakhstan Gave Up the Bomb."

My assignment made a certain level of sense considering my experience in resource-rich countries and my history with nuclear arms negotiations. In Moscow, I had dealt with the KGB's underhanded tactics, such as applying chemical tracking agents and bugging IBM typewriters. One such typewriter belonged to my secretary, and I even had to retrieve U.S. diplomat Richard Osborne when he was seized by the KGB, claiming he was a spy.

The U.S. got an early start in Kazakhstan courtesy of Secretary of State James Baker. He visited Kazakhstan in September and December of 1991, establishing rapport with President Nursultan Nazarbayev and laying the groundwork for nuclear disarmament and export pipelines for Chevron's massive Tengiz oil field investment. On Christmas Day, 1991, the U.S. became the first country to recognize Kazakhstan's independence. Daria Fane, a diplomat from the Embassy in Moscow with knowledge of Central Asia, assisted the Kazakhs in preparing for the American embassy's opening.

Visibly supporting Kazakhstan's newfound sovereignty, I emphasized this theme in press interviews, allowing for a high media profile. Our embassy quickly immersed itself in Kazakh life, even experiencing unexpected moments, such as attending a pop music concert featuring the raucous Aziza, electrifying the audience while surely making Lenin roll his eyes in disapproval.

In the embassy's early days, we operated from the Hotel Kazakhstan, the tallest building in Central Asia at the time. With a keen awareness of potential threats, we secured classified files and satellite communication systems, taking precautions against Russian espionage. Despite the challenges, we thrived, with a dedicated team of pioneers leading the way in establishing our presence in this new nation.

Kazakhstan's quick global recognition was cemented in a Wall Street Journal article titled, "Kazakhstan Is Best for Diplomats Who Find Paris a Bore," and numerous members of Congress visited the newly independent nation. In the ensuing months, Kazakhstan offered us a "little blue house" for unclassified and public-facing operations. As the embassy expanded, we leased a larger, equally charming building, symbolizing our commitment to Kazakhstan's vibrant future.

The U.S. placed great importance on Kazakhstan giving up its nuclear weapons, ensuring the country joined the global effort to prevent the proliferation of nuclear arms. President Bush hosted leaders of Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine in May 1992, inviting them to eliminate nuclear weapons and join the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) as non-nuclear weapon states. By 1995, Kazakhstan led the way, becoming the first of the three to become nuclear-free.

In the early years of our relationship, I enjoyed good access to President Nazarbayev, discussing nuclear diplomacy, reforms, energy investment, overall conditions in Kazakhstan, Russian activities, and stalled talks on the pipeline for the Tengiz oil. Nazarbayev was eloquent in his assessment of Uzbekistan's President Islam Karimov's rule, observing, "Yes, but when he gives an order, it is obeyed." He also made it clear that building coalitions to balance tribal, ethnic, regional, urban-versus-rural, and other interests was crucial to his decision-making process.

Throughout our shared history, Kazakhstan has demonstrated exceptional leadership in nuclear disarmament, gaining prestige and authority as a responsible state. In 1994, President Nazarbayev organized the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA), which seeks to enhance cooperation for peace, security, and stability in Asia. Today, CICA boasts 28 members, an impressive accomplishment for such a young nation.

From nuclear diplomacy to regional cooperation, the U.S.-Kazakhstan relationship in the early years of independence was characterized by shared goals and strategic partnership. As Kazakhstan continues to evolve, it stands as a beacon of hope for a prosperous and peaceful Central Asia.

Despite knowing little about Central Asia upon my arrival in Kazakhstan in 1992, I immersed myself in books like "The Kazakhs" to gain insights into the region's culture.
In addition to nuclear arms negotiations, my assignment in Kazakhstan required an understanding of the healthcare sector, as the U.S. provided aid through Operation Provide Hope.
The U.S. political landscape also played a role in my assignment, as evidenced by Secretary of State James Baker's visits to Kazakhstan in 1991 to establish rapport with President Nursultan Nazarbayev.
The embassy's presence in Kazakhstan was not just about diplomacy and politics; it also involved engaging with the local culture, such as attending a pop music concert featuring Aziza.
The food industry was another sector that caught my attention, with Chevron investing heavily in the Tengiz oil field and export pipelines.
Beyond Kazakhstan's nuclear disarmament, the country has shown leadership in other areas, such as hosting the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia (CICA), aimed at promoting peace, security, and stability in Asia.