Persistent opinions hinder a productive debate on Irish unification

The relationship between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, rooted in the 20th-century partition of Ireland, has been complex and evolving. After years of conflict culminating in the 1920 Government of Ireland Act, Ireland was divided into Northern Ireland (six counties with a Protestant majority, remaining part of the UK) and the Irish Free State (later the Republic of Ireland, predominantly Catholic and independent).

This split entrenched political and sectarian divisions, with many Catholics in Northern Ireland identifying as Irish and seeking unification with the Republic, while Protestants largely identified as British and wished to remain in the UK. The Republic of Ireland declared itself a fully independent republic in 1949, following constitutional changes in the 1930s and 40s that gradually removed the British monarch's role from Irish governance.

The Southern Irish governments have played a complex and evolving role in advancing the aims of Northern nationalists. In the 1960s, there were efforts to improve relations and address tensions. For instance, Northern Ireland Prime Minister Terence O’Neill exchanged visits with the Irish Taoiseach Seán Lemass, indicating a tentative dialogue despite constitutional claims by the Republic over the North.

Political developments in the Republic often influenced Northern nationalist sentiment. Irish republican groups, such as the Irish Republican Army (IRA), sought unification through armed struggle for much of the 20th century, complicating Dublin’s position. The Republic’s governments have been involved in peace processes, notably supporting the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, which established devolved government in Northern Ireland and recognized the principle of consent for any change in Northern Ireland’s status.

However, the relationship has not been without controversy. Sinn Féin, the republican party with historical links to the IRA, has operated both in Northern Ireland and the Republic, advocating unification. Controversies such as the 2004 Northern Bank robbery complicated political progress, with the Republic’s political and media sectors often critical of actions perceived as violent or obstructive.

Recently, concerns about the perceived indifference of southern Irish governments towards advancing the aims of Northern nationalists have been raised. Colum Eastwood, the former SDLP leader, spoke at Féile an Phobail and expressed his concern. The upcoming presidential election in Ireland will include a discussion on Irish unification, according to Eastwood.

Historian Eamon Phoenix, an expert on the plight of Northern nationalists, underlined the "trauma of partition" and its impact on those left "marooned" in the new Northern Ireland. Phoenix's work, including his 1994 book, "Northern nationalism: nationalist politics, partition and the Catholic minority in Northern Ireland 1890-1940," provided a nuanced understanding of Northern Ireland's evolution, Troubles, texture, and achievements.

Phoenix's analysis was shaped by significant events such as the fiasco of the Boundary Commission, which dispelled the uncertainty that had overshadowed Northern Catholics since 1916. The recommendations of the BC report, which were leaked in 1925, proposed that Northern Ireland would gain part of Donegal, but the report was suppressed and the Border remained as it was.

The Anglo-Irish Agreement, signed in 1985, gave the Republic a say in the future of Northern Ireland, but it was 60 years after the BC report. When Charles Haughey became Fianna Fáil leader in 1979, he claimed Northern Ireland constituted "the first national issue", but no one in Iveagh House had "any meaningful talk" with Haughey on the subject. At the outbreak of the Troubles in 1969, Hugh McCann, secretary of the Irish department of external affairs, asked about the location of the Northern Ireland desk and found there wasn't one.

In 1925, Cahir Healy, the nationalist MP for Fermanagh and Tyrone, declared that the Free State government had agreed to a partition forever. However, Phoenix argued that Sinn Féin had "naively" believed that partition was doomed and "stillborn," leading to hostility towards a united nationalist movement within the constitutional framework of Northern Ireland.

In summary, while the Republic of Ireland’s governments have generally supported the aspirations of Northern nationalists, they balanced this with pragmatic political engagement aimed at peace and stability. The relationship remains shaped by historical grievances, differing identities, and ongoing negotiations to reconcile unionist and nationalist communities on the island.