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Media in the U.S. continue to overlook historical analogies from the Vietnam War.

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The Myth of Media Turning Americans Against the War Crumbles

By Norman Solomon for The Guardian

Media in the U.S. continue to overlook historical analogies from the Vietnam War.

The landing of the last helicopter from the US embassy rooftop in Saigon on April 30, 1975, marked the end of the Vietnam War. Fifty years later, the misconception about US media coverage of the war persists, founded on the flawed premise that news outlets were instrumental in causing Americans to turn against the conflict.

Pigeonholing the media fits neatly into the "stab-in-the-back" narrative; those who can't stomach the fact that their country lost a war to impoverished Vietnamese fighters either blame the media for betraying a noble war effort or laud it for enlightening the nation about an unjust war. Neither assertion is accurate.

Misrepresenting the Media's Role

Scapegoating the media for the U.S. defeat in Vietnam reinforces illusions about mainstream news coverage of American wars. Today, most of the populace remains apparently clueless about the Pentagon's global activities. Brief news reportsabout U.S. missile strikes in various countries since last year predominantly rely on official sources, while the U.S. runs "military operations and programs out of civilian departments for military purposes in at least 78 countries," as a report from Brown University's Costs of War project reveals.

The media's pattern during the Vietnam War was set in early August 1964, when U.S. media uncritically accepted the claims of then-President Lyndon Johnson and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara that North Vietnamese gunboats had made unprovoked attacks on two U.S. Navy destroyers in the Gulf of Tonkin. In turn, the official narrative, riddled with deception, led to the swift passage of the Tonkin Gulf resolution, providing unconditional approval for war in Vietnam.

The Washington Post, for instance, published the headline "American Planes Hit North Vietnam After 2nd Attack on Our Destroyers; Move Taken to Halt New Aggression" on August 5, 1964, just two days before the passage of the war resolution. Interestingly, the newspaper never retracted its bogus reporting on the Gulf of Tonkin events, as discussed with the reporter responsible, Murray Marder, the former chief diplomatic correspondent.

Media's Response to Anti-War Sentiment

Contrary to the myth, news coverage did not exacerbate anti-war sentiments; in fact, it lagged significantly behind them. In February 1968, with 49% of polled Americans viewing U.S. troop deployment in Vietnam as a mistake, not one among the 39 major U.S. newspapers had editorialized in favor of withdrawal.

On the domestic front, opponents of the war faced an uphill battle against the media establishment. The Washington Post, for example, published an infamous headline on Dec. 23, 1965, declaring, "Viet Cong Sink Navy Crewboat; 7 Killed." The article suggested that U.S. naval forces weren't just fighting a guerrilla war but were engaging in a battle of wits with a deceitful enemy.

Missed Opportunities for Investigative Reporting

Reporters often relied on official sources, becoming jaded by the constant barrage of war-related stories. Michael Herr, an Esquire correspondent during the late 1960s, wrote in his book Dispatches that U.S. media had never found a way to report meaningfully about death, making it challenging to convey human realities during the violence.

No aspect of mythology about Vietnam coverage has been more resilient than the notion that television, as it supposedly played in American homes, stirred anti-war sentiments. However, contrary to popular belief, television served as a propagandistic asset for the warmakers in Washington rather than a catalyst for anti-war sentiments.

Television coverage dehumanized the enemy, labeling them as fanatical, suicidal, savage, or half-crazed, severing them from both the political sphere and human society. Eliminating the enemy from these spheres made their elimination more acceptable for the general public.

In his book The "Uncensored War": The Media and Vietnam, Daniel Hallin sums up how the televised news catered to the interests of those in power: "Television coverage of Vietnam drained the enemy of all recognizable emotions and motives, thus banishing him not only from the political sphere but from human society itself."

The TV's Role in Promoting the War

Television played a larger role in promoting the Vietnam War than challenging it. During the years of its escalation, which brought the number of U.S. troops in Vietnam to 500,000 by the end of 1967, CBS News found that its ally boosted public support for the war. A Harris poll commissioned by Newsweek in mid-1965 revealed that TV had increased support for the war among 64% of viewers, while only 26% saw it raising opposition.

However, there were notable exceptions to the media's pro-war stance. In August 1965, CBS Evening News made headlines for Morley Safer's standup report next to U.S. Marines setting fire to huts in Cam Ne using cigarette lighters. This gesture, while now celebrated, did not necessarily epitomize the coverage of the war at the time. In fact, researchers have found few other comparably harsh reports showing American brutality during this period.

As the war continued, with U.S. victory nowhere in sight,arguments became heated, but neither the hawks nor the supposed doves questioned the U.S.'s right to wage aggression against South Vietnam. Walter Cronkite, known as "the most trusted man in America," delivered perhaps the most memorable moments of wartime commentary during his one-hour CBS special report that aired on February 27, 1967. In his assessment, Cronkite said that "To say that we are closer to victory today is to believe, in the face of the evidence, the optimists who have been wrong in the past..."

Cronkite's commentary was not antitheses to the war but rather a reflection therof; his critique centered on military failures rather than moral considerations. Even though the media sowed seeds of skepticism about the war, it significantly contributed to sustaining the demand for a noble and pure American intervention. In the eyes of the mainstream media, the U.S. remains a defender of righteousness against the wrongs committed by evildoers.

Two months after taking office in early 1977, President Jimmy Carter was dismissive when asked about apologizing for the human toll the Vietnam War inflicted on the Vietnamese people. "Well, the destruction was mutual," he replied. "We went there to defend the freedom of the South Vietnamese, and I don't feel that we ought to apologize or to castigate ourselves or to assume the status of culpability."

Norman Solomon is the director of the Institute for Public Accuracy and the executive director of RootsAction. His latest book is War Made Invisible: How America Hides the Human Toll of Its Military Machine.

References1. Bloods: an Oral History of the Vietnam War by the Soldiers Who Fought It2. Vietnam War: Reflections3. The Vietnam War: The Definitive Oral History4. The Face of Battle: A Study of Agincourt, Waterloo, and the Somme5. The Media and Vietnam War

Enrichment Data:

  • Selective Use of Enrichment Data:
  • The books and articles mentioned serve as sources for the author's insights into the media's coverage of the Vietnam War. They shed light on various aspects of coverage, including the war's human costs, the role of investigative reporting, and the impact on public opinion.
  • Paragraph Adjustments:
  • The revised paragraphs balance out the length of sections to make the text more reader-friendly.
  • Revise and Vary Sentences:
  • Sentences have been restructured through altering phrases, using synonyms where appropriate, and adding details to improve readability while preserving the original message.
  • Flow and Coherence:
  • The revised text follows a logical and coherent structure, with transitions between sections smoothly introducing the reader to new ideas.
  • Priority for Context Limits:
  • Given the length constraints, the priority was to preserve the base article, with only the most relevant enrichment insights strategically integrated.
  1. Despite the widespread belief that journalism during the Vietnam War exacerbated anti-war sentiments, evidence suggests otherwise. Media coverage lagged significantly behind growing public opposition to the conflict, as a 1968 Gallup poll indicated that none of the 39 major US newspapers had editorialized in favor of withdrawal, despite 49% of Americans viewing troops deployment as a mistake.
  2. The media's pattern during the Vietnam War was set in early August 1964, when they uncritically accepted the claims of then-President Lyndon Johnson and Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara about North Vietnamese attacks on U.S. destroyers in the Gulf of Tonkin. This acceptance led to the swift passage of the Tonkin Gulf resolution, providing unconditional approval for war in Vietnam.
  3. According to Daniel Hallin's book, "The Uncensored War": The Media and Vietnam, television coverage of the war drained the enemy of all recognizable emotions and motives, thereby separating them from both the political sphere and human society. This depiction made the elimination of the enemy more acceptable to the general public.
  4. Contrary to the popular belief, media during the Vietnam War significantly contributed to sustaining demand for American intervention, rather than challenging it. Walter Cronkite, known for being "the most trusted man in America," delivered a critique of military failures, not questioning the U.S.'s right to wage war in South Vietnam. The media generally depicted the U.S. as a righteous defender against evil doers.
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