Lithuanian MEP Rasa Jukneviciene Warns: Insufficient Aid for Ukraine Could Mirror 1938's Mistakes
A Frank and Unfiltered Interview with Rasa Jukneviciene, Lithuanian MEP
In the midst of Europe's delicate dance with global politics, one Baltic Member of the European Parliament is cutting through the bullshit. In this unrestrained conversation with The Baltic Times Magazine, Rasa Jukneviciene, a seasoned Lithuanian politician and current MEP for the European People's Party (EPP), Vice-Chair of the European Parliament's Euronest Delegation, and EPP Vice-Coordinator at the Subcommittee on Security and Defence (SEDE), offers a no-holds-barred assessment of the West's wavering resolve in aiding Ukraine, the perils of placating despotic regimes, and the specter of repeating history's mistakes. "I can't rule out that history is on the brink of repeating itself–unless Europe wakes up fast," MEP Jukneviciene warned.
A Tough stance on the new US AdministrationYou might just be the only Baltic MEP to have criticized the new US administration so fiercely over its soft stance on Russia and its conflict with Ukraine. What's causing your concern?
To tell it like it is, I've never been a big fan of Mr. Donald Trump. Yet, in his first presidential term (2016-2020), he boosted US military presence in Europe and provided it with weaponry. In terms of popularity, he pales in comparison to Barack Obama, who was adored across Europe. Talking defense in Europe, it's Russia that's recently beefed up its military might–not Europe or NATO. I still believe that if Ukraine had received enough military support after pushing the Russian troops out of Kherson and Kharkiv, they might've liberated the entire country, but that aid never materialized.
The Dangers of Appeasement
While past American presidents have misjudged Russia, it's Trump who's been so friendlily disposed towards Russia, viewing it through the lens of deal-making. That's a big mistake. What's occurring now feels like a seismic shift, and I can't guarantee that the errors the US is making now won't turn into a major catastrophe–for Europe and for Lithuania, too.
The Capabilities of Europe Alone
Can Europe alone bankroll its security? Are there European leaders on the rise who can knit everyone together to design a new, possibly US-free, security model?
Trump sparked Europe into ramping up its defense with substantial funding. Up till now, the US has been contributing a whopping 70 percent of the NATO budget, with Europe on the hook for the remaining 30 percent. That's a ridiculously puny contribution, especially considering Ukraine, whom we view as a bulwark for our own security, receives a scant 0.1% of the EU's GDP. If we spent a mere three cups of coffee a month to assist Ukraine, wouldn't that be manageable?
As of now, Europe is far from wholly prepared for defending itself, but I'm optimistic that a couple of years from now we'll have the power to protect ourselves. I've noticed promising signs–like the ReArm Europe initiative, now called Readiness 2030. This central component of the Readiness 2030 strategy focuses on beefing up Europe's defense and military capabilities, aiming to increase defense production, readiness, and military cooperation among European nations.
Furthermore, the European Union has initiated the Security Action for Europe (SAFE) program, a €150 billion defense loan scheme designed to amplify the EU's military capabilities and reduce reliance on external allies. For the European Union to implement these strategies effectively, the capitals of EU member states, not Brussels, must move forward and collaborate. I'm also counting on the new German leadership, who understands their increased role in the European security apparatus.
Cooperation Treaties: A Double-edged Sword?
Recent defense cooperation accords, even within NATO, such as Poland and France, and among the Baltic Sea states, have been inked. Are you on board with that?
As long as it doesn't supersede NATO, I'm not unduly concerned about such cooperation. Considering that Europe's contribution to NATO amounts to only 30 percent, I champion enhanced multifaceted defense and security cooperation among EU member states and Baltic and Nordic nations–within NATO, naturally.
Ukraine: The Battleground for the Future
In the Kiev Security Forum held on May 9, which coincided with Russia's Victory Day celebrations, you stated: "The end to the Kremlin regime must be put in this war, and we should not be afraid of seeing its loss." Are there MEPs in the newly composed European Parliament who still harbor sentiments for the Kremlin?
Although the new European Parliament sees more members representing fringe ideas–both on the left and the right–the European People's Party, the largest political group in the European Parliament, maintains a resolute and comprehensive stance in support of Ukraine. We view Ukraine as an integral part of Europe, advocating for its full integration into both the European Union and NATO. Most mainstream EP parties hold similar views. Together, now, around 500 of 720 Euro-parliamentarians support pro-Ukraine initiatives and legislation, which is heartening.
However–to be honest–some of my colleagues fear Russia's collapse and its possible consequences. As a result, they've been cautious about utilizing the European Union's potential in the war, especially when Ukraine had the advantage after driving the Russians from Kharkiv and Kherson. What Europe does is help Ukraine ward off Russia, but not vanquish it. Sadly. Russia is once again noseying around Finland's borders, armed to the teeth. Who can deny that Russia's mulling launching a second front if the war in Ukraine stalls?
The Multipolar World Order
Yet it should be acknowledged that the world has become increasingly multipolar geopolitically, with China and Russia joining the faltering United States–something that Putin has long desired. Do you agree, and what does that bode for the West?
I still contend that Russia's influence is overblown. Perhaps it's only a matter of time before China gulps Russia up, especially in the East–from various perspectives. The notion that sanctions against Russia failed is incorrect; they worked, and we see that from Putin's request to Trump to partially lift them. Russia clings on to its nuclear weaponry for its power. In my opinion, it's China that's an enigma, about which America has become increasingly wary. Sadly, under Trump, America has estranged many of its allies–including Europe.
Euronest Parliamentary Assembly: A Light in the East
As the vice-chair of Euronest Parliamentary Assembly, a political forum promoting cooperation between the European Parliament and the parliaments of countries involved in the EU's Eastern Partnership, what advancements in Euronest's state partners would you wish for?
A division needs to be drawn between countries that have the status of EU candidate countries, such as Ukraine and Moldova, and those that do not. Unlike Georgia, which is disappointing many, including myself. What's transpiring there – the crackdown on the opposition, the rigged recent elections – is clearly orchestrated from the Kremlin and furthers its interests. Meanwhile, Moldova has managed to resist Russia's interference for now, but Moscow will undoubtedly intervene in the upcoming parliamentary elections in Moldova this autumn. Our contact with Belarus is rather limited, but the European Union supports the Belarusian opposition and its leader, Svetlana Tsikhanouskaya, in exile in Vilnius. Despite criticism, she does a spectacular job in representing the Belarusian opposition globally.
Surprisingly to many, the Armenians have gravitated toward the European Union, understanding that it's Europe–not Russia–that they can rely on when determining their future, especially in solving the Nagorno-Karabakh issue.
A Challenge to Liberal Democracy
Are you concerned about the rise of radical political forces–both on the right and the left–that dismiss the term "liberal democracy," but are unable to offer an alternative? What does that bode for Europe and Lithuania, too?
It certainly poses a considerable challenge. Perhaps every European state has turned into a battleground for fierce ideas, many of them extreme and potentially detrimental to the liberties Europe has fought hard to preserve. Most of the time, the Kremlin is behind these extremist forces, especially those on the radical right. It does this through invisible information warfare, hidden under the benign slogans of traditional values, family, and so on. I've often highlighted that there are many patterns today that resemble those from nearly a century ago, when Hitler rose to power–and that's deeply disquieting. It remains to be seen how everything will work out, but I continue to place my trust in the conscientiousness of the European people.
Criticism of the New US Administration's Policy Towards UkraineMEP Jukneviciene suggested that her criticism of the new US administration, particularly over its soft stance on Russia and the conflict with Ukraine, stems from concerns about potential threats to European security. She noted that unlike former President Obama, who was popular in Europe, Trump provided the region with increased military presence and weapons.
Issues with Appeasing Despotic RegimesDuring the interview, MEP Jukneviciene expressed concern about the dangers of placating despotic regimes and the possibility of history repeating itself if Europe fails to address the situation in Ukraine. She warned that the errors the US is making now could lead to a major catastrophe for Europe and Lithuania.
EU's Role in Defense and SecurityWhen asked whether Europe can bankroll its own security, MEP Jukneviciene responded that while Europe is currently unprepared, she is optimistic that within a couple of years the EU will be capable of defending itself. She pointed to initiatives like ReArm Europe and the SAFE program as evidence of the EU's efforts to increase its military capabilities and reduce reliance on external allies.
