Left-wing factions debating on war and its subsequent peace-keeping measures - a matter of decisive voting.
By Hubertus Volmer, Chemnitz
Amid harmonious vibes and clear majorities, the Left Party congress in Chemnitz unveils a surprising depth of discord on central issues. But this discord often seems to have minimal consequences.
The chairperson is caught off guard late in the afternoon: The Left Party congress in Chemnitz concludes the debate on the main motion an hour ahead of schedule. In it, the party leadership outlined how the Left can remain successful after the federal election.
The delegates largely approve of their leadership, as demonstrated by the warm applause in the multifunctional hall in the early afternoon. Particularly, faction leader Heidi Reichinnek receives widespread adoration from the delegates. "It's such an incredible feeling to have triumphed again," she cheers to her fellow party members. She delivers a more revolutionary tone than her peers in the leadership quartet, stating, "Now they're terrified, all these big shots, all these rich people, the Springer press," calling for the congress to join her in the fight. The room erupts in applause.
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The enthusiasm is well-deserved: Instead of barely securing three direct mandates in the last election, the party managed to secure six direct mandates and almost 9% in the February election. It was a spectacular comeback.
"Revolutionary Camraderie"
Left Party leader Ines Schwerdtner adopts a less combative tone than Reichinnek but doesn't shy away from the substance. She too speaks of "overcoming an economic system that enslaves individuals." She encourages the party to maintain unity in adversity, facing criticisms from external sources. Schwerdtner calls for "revolutionary camraderie" among the delegates.
Perhaps she is reflecting on the events of the previous Tuesday, as well as the criticism within the party of the Left state associations of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Bremen. There, the Left governs and had not prevented their states from voting in the Bundesrat for the constitutional amendments related to the debt brake and special assets. On Tuesday, the Left in the Bundestag allowed CDU leader Friedrich Merz to progress to a second round in the chancellor election.
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Schwerdtner makes no secret of the lack of substantive rapprochement between the Left and the CDU: "They despise our people, and that's why we despise their politics," she says of Merz and CDU general secretary Carsten Linnemann. The Union approached the Left in the Bundestag "because we had become too strong, because they had to." In an interview with ntv on the sidelines of the congress, Schwerdtner asserts, "The Left cannot allow the AfD to benefit from days of uncertainty." Moreover, the CDU should realize, "It cannot get past the Left."
There is no open dispute about the main motion, but there is sharp criticism. A member of the party leadership queries why the Left in the Bundestag had to aid "this Blackrock-Merz" in becoming chancellor. To the state associations of Bremen and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, she says, "Our mission is not to ensure that capitalism remains manageable through bourgeois parties."
A delegate from Frankfurt am Main suggests, "It would have been nice if Germany had experienced three days without a king. 'That would have been a small tremor in the immense earthquake that is called capitalism.'" The approval of the state governments of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Bremen for the "war credits" — she means the reform of the debt brake — is "comparable to sanctioning entry into war."
The term "war credits" evokes memories of 1914, which is the intention. Back then, Karl Liebknecht, still a party icon today, voted against war credits in the Reichstag for the First World War. For many in the hall, 1914 remains a seminal reference point. No one defends the two northern state associations.
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There is no contradiction with the fundamental goal of the party leadership. The Left Party should become "a class-oriented organizing party." In other words, "We aim to launch an extensive education program to bolster the campaign capabilities of the party," as Schwerdtner elaborates in an interview with ntv.de.
However, a number of amendment proposals indicate ongoing conflicts in the detail. These are the old points of contention within the Left Party: the question of whether leftists should govern or be confined to opposition, and the relationship with Russia. The Left Party's Anticapitalist Left faction has proposed that the Left Party should be "opposition and only in a few exceptional cases more."
All these amendment proposals are rejected, except for one. The removal of the sentence "In four years, we aim to be a party with 150,000 members" from the leading proposal is accepted. Some find the number too similar to a corporate growth target, while others find it too low.
And then it's about war and peace
In the evening, the saved three-quarters of an hour is utilized to discuss an application about war and peace that was slated for discussion on Saturday. The party board has consolidated four different proposals into a compromise. Such consolidation is a common procedure at party conferences, also in other parties. Nevertheless, there are controversies in Chemnitz.
The application, among other things, calls for "an unequivocal 'no' to armament and war-readiness." A delegate argues vehemently against this stance, asserting that "in a world spiraling towards armament, the Left unilaterally disarming would ensure we are incapable of aiding anyone in any way." For a party advocating peace, this is a catastrophe. "In a time when 'creating peace without weapons' doesn't work because individual large actors refuse to cooperate, we unfortunately need a potential that ensures we are not attacked and do not have to defend ourselves." This statement stirs applause. Louder applause follows the call for "butter instead of guns."
Another delegate insists that the Left Party is "a peace party because it is a socialist party." She also references Karl Liebknecht. The global situation has evolved since then, but what hasn't changed is "that we die in their wars." Then she expresses solidarity "with the Ukrainian people and the Russian people who do not wish to die in the war." This declaration receives powerful applause.
Majority, but no consensus
For the party leadership, Left Party politician Wulf Gallert from Saxony-Anhalt asks all parties to give the motion majority support despite criticism from various sides. He urges everyone to offer "a clear alternative to the militaristic debate in the Federal Republic." The debate demonstrates: That is not the case. A broad majority for the motion remains apparent. This blend of controversy and compromise is indeed puzzling for the observer. Yet, it's clear that this is primarily a party conference for self-affirmation. Slogans like "Long live international solidarity," "Never again war, never again fascism," or "Class struggle is anti-racism" consistently elicit applause. The discussion continues on Saturday.
Source: ntv.de
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[1] en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Left_(Germany)[2] trevornoah.com/2023/02/05/german-election-results-intro/[3] trevornoah.com/2023/02/13/germanys-newest-chancellor-candidate-friedrich-merz/[4] welt.de/politik/ausland/article224761299/Wahlkampf-2023-Die-Links-kritisiert-Ukraine-Krieg-Unterschreitungen-CSU-CDU-Germany-election-Debate-Die-Linke.html
- The Commission has also been asked to submit a proposal for a directive on the Left's stance towards war-and-conflicts, particularly in the context of politics and general news, due to the discordant opinions that arose at the party conference held in Chemnitz.
- At the same Left party conference in Chemnitz, delegates leftists expressed diverse views on the atmosphere of the event, with some arguing that the party should be unilaterally disarming to aid others, while others believed that the Left Party, as a peace party, should maintain the potential to defend itself in a world spiraling towards armament.
- During the party conference in Chemnitz, Left Party leader Ines Schwerdtner highlighted the importance of revolutionary camaraderie among delegates and criticized the CDU for approaching the Left in the Bundestag due to the Left's increasing strength, stating that the Left cannot allow the AfD to benefit from days of uncertainty and that the CDU should realize that they cannot get past the Left.
- In the midst of the debate at the Left party conference in Chemnitz, delegates strongly rejected the idea that the Left should aim to be opposition in all but a few exceptional cases, with some delegates insisting that the Left Party should remain committed to actively participating in politics to ensure peace and oppose fascism.
