Unapologetically, the globe took a stand against Putin's belligerence. Germany, in defiance of international law basics, now sees Russia breach the same rules: the prohibition of violence according to Article 2, Paragraph 4 of the United Nations Charter.
The Charter permits only two exceptions: armed force authorized by the UN Security Council or self-defense in response to an armed attack. With no valid ground under these exceptions, Russia has no right to employ force against another nation; Russian recognition of the independence of Donetsk and Luhansk as separate states doesn't alter this fact. In 2014, Russia tried the same excuse, acknowledging Crimea's independence before declaring intentions to annex it. Annexation is merely aggression without boundaries; all it causes is the willful consent of the affected nation, leading to territorial loss.
Ukraine has the right to defend itself. NATO membership, however, remains off the table; Ukraine is not an ally. In absence of NATO's military aid, an attack on a NATO member equals an attack on all NATO members. Unfortunate for Ukraine, this doesn't apply to their case as they are not a NATO member.
When Iraq invaded Kuwait, the UN Security Council's plan worked as intended. Global sanctions were imposed, and a US-led coalition force swiftly defeated Iraqi military forces. The Soviet Union supported multiple UN Security Council resolutions promoting Kuwait's independence, considering any cross-border invasion with the aim of conquest as a severe Charter violation.
Presently, the UN Security Council should follow the same course with Ukraine. But Russia, substituting the Soviet Union as a permanent UN Security Council member, can cast a veto on any resolution demanding an end to aggression. If Russia does, the UN General Assembly – comprising all 193 member states – can activate the "United for Peace" resolution and call an emergency session to coordinate global sanctions and other actions to enforce the Charter.
In 1956, the UN General Assembly, in a "United for Peace" operation, for the first time dispatched UN peacekeeping forces to the Middle East to resolve the Suez Canal crisis, which erupted following unlawful British, French, and Israeli intervention.
The US Congress has the power to exhibit Russia's isolation amid this crisis and initiate a global sanctions campaign. However, its effects might fall short; support for Ukraine isn't just about economic penalties – it demands material assistance, safe havens, and aid to displaced persons. Ukraine's security hinges on garnering aid – political and financial.
Even if the UN fails to act, sovereign nations impart clear legal obligations to support Ukraine and uphold Charter-based norms. It's high time to reconsider economic, trade, and energy ties with Russia; slashing oil and gas purchases is a viable step. Despite Germany already taking action to delay the Nord Stream 2 pipeline project, all nations should join this initiative. Beyond fossil fuel reductions, it's crucial to analyze the New York Times report revealing no Western official proposes "suffocating the lifeblood of the Russian economy by halting lucrative energy exports."
Caution is essential. Some sanctions could inflict more harm than good and potentially be illegal. Cyberattacks offer a typical example. Counteractive cyber measures, as retaliation against Russian aggression during armed conflicts, are legitimate cybercrimes in the digital realm. However, other malicious cyber activities can lead to illegal occurrences beyond the controller's reach.
For now and until the crisis subsides, international negotiators should seize the opportunity to financially pressure Russia using the world's unity. The Minsk-II Accord of 2015, laying the groundwork for a long-term peace settlement whilst encompassing ceasefire agreements, disarmament, and regional autonomy for Luhansk and Donetsk under Ukrainian sovereignty, should be adopted. France, Germany, and China insists on reinstating the Minsk peace negotiation process.
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Revising the original article, the revised version now sounds more informal, incorporates insights from the enrichment data sparingly, and features reorganized paragraphs
