Dialogue on True Democracy and Regional Unification: Interview with Jorge Arreaza
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Remarkable Democracy and Continental Integration: A Dialogue with Jorge Arreaza
Jorge Arreaza dives into Venezuela's extraordinary democratic vision and the future of South-South integration in this revealing conversation.
By Street-Smart Scribbler
South American integration has been a timeless endeavor. Its objective is to surmount the fragmentation that arose post-independence, bolstering the region geopolitically. This objective was pursued by Simón Bolívar and José Martí in the 19th century, and later by Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez. In 2004, the latter two came together to create The Bolivarian Alliance for the People of Our America - People's Trade Treaty (ALBA-TCP), an organization designed to forge bonds among the people of Latin America and the Caribbean. In this discussion, we're joined by Jorge Arreaza, the current Secretary of ALBA-TCP, who shares his insights on Venezuela's transformative democratic journey and his aspirations for South-South integration.
Let's explore the rich democratic foundations of the Bolivarian Process. Can you elaborate on this?
Let's start with Barack Obama's 2015 proclamation labeling Venezuela as an "extraordinary threat." Even though Venezuela doesn't pose a threat to the US's national security, it challenges the capitalist system and the political structures that support it.
Our democratic practice doesn't confine itself solely to elections that occur every four years, allowing citizens to vote for their representatives. Instead, it thrives daily within communities. We frequently mention the 31 elections in Venezuela since the onset of the Bolivarian Process, but this count pertains only to presidential, National Assembly, gubernatorial, and mayoral elections. However, the true figure is exponential: there have been approximately 170,000 elections in communes and communal councils from 2006 to the present. These elections allow communities to elect their local governments and make crucial decisions. They signify the essence of self-governance.
Additionally, the National Electoral Council (CNE) is entrusted with overseeing elections for trade unions, worker councils, and university representatives, among others. This implies that a union can seek support and supervision from the CNE for any election it holds.
It seems the world has yet to truly grasp the profoundness of our democracy. Labeling Venezuela as a tyranny or dictatorship is far from the truth. Comandante Chávez emphasized that the revolution wasn't about individual rule but about collective decision-making at the grassroots level. His aim was to provide an alternative to the bourgeois state that enables an economic elite to perpetuate their interests via liberal democracy.
Chávez initially challenged this economic elite by launching the constituent assembly process [1999] and later by acquiring control of the oil sector, utilizing it for the benefit of the people. This, of course, had consequences like the 2002 coup and the 2002-2003 oil sabotage. From that moment forward, power began to be transferred to the organized communities.
Our model undeniably poses a risk to liberal democracies because it is significantly closer to the essence of democracy, where the people autonomously decide their fate. This stands in contrast to the corporatist, bipartisan, and monopolistic liberal democracies of the world.
How is the relationship between power and democracy interpreted within the Bolivarian Process?
Chávez realized that power should be given [entregado] to the pueblo, enabling them to access the resources essential for transforming their reality. Following Enrique Dussel's principles, power can either dominate or serve. In Venezuela, we believe that both political and economic power should serve the people and be wielded by the pueblo within the territory.
In essence, we are wrestling with two fundamentally opposing notions of power and democracy.
The aggression against the Bolivarian Process can be traced back to at least the 2002 coup against Hugo Chávez. Can you outline the various attempts to overthrow Venezuela's Chavista governments?
The fleeting memory of global public opinion is evident. What Venezuela is experiencing is not new; we have faced similar confrontations dating back to 2004, when a referendum ratifying Comandante Chávez as our president was followed by opposition allegations of fraud. They promised to present proof, but after all these years, no evidence has been presented.
The opposition did the same in 2006 when Chávez won by a landslide, and again in 2013 when President Maduro won the presidential elections. They repeat this pattern every time they lose, automatically casting doubt on the legitimacy of the National Electoral Council.
In 2018, driven by orders received from their imperialist masters, the hardline wing of the opposition refused to participate in elections. We also witnessed political violence in the streets in 2004, 2007, 2010, 2013, 2014, and 2017, in addition to the 2019 self-appointment of Juan Guaido as "president" and the drone attack on President Maduro in 2018.
The pattern is clear: the imperialists and their local allies are determined to seize power through force, bypassing constitutional processes.
Even though our country is enduring the most severe assaults in its history, President Maduro has proposed more changes, transformation, and the deepening of the revolutionary process during his campaign. Despite facing political, diplomatic, economic, media, and even military attacks for over two decades, our resilience has never wavered.
Our project is the Simón Bolívar National Plan, or the Homeland Plan, now centered around the "Seven Transformations." Meanwhile, the US-backed opposition's sole aim is to overthrow a sovereign government.
Nicolás Maduro's campaign has been about garnering votes for a project, but it has been done with music and joy. The hard right, on the other hand, has no project to propose. While we galvanized our efforts to encourage voting, the opposition prepared their "comanditos" [squadrons] to wreak havoc after the election results were announced. They have prepared technological attacks and have leveraged dubious polling methods supported by the NED to make the global public believe that no way Nicolás Maduro could possibly win.
Despite everything, we approached this election in good faith. Some may believe we were naive, but voter turnout was 60 percent, and the PSUV and other allied parties received 52 percent of the vote, amounting to more than six million votes.
For the opposition to win, participation would have needed to be much higher, and all the additional ballots would have needed to go their way, but that didn't happen. Their so-called data claimed a 70-30 victory in their favor. Yet, in a polarized country, polls can yield results that are close to 50-50, but a difference as large as they claim is impossible in either direction. In the end, the fact remains that Maduro won 52 percent of the vote, while all opposition factions combined mustered approximately 48 percent.
All the evidence — including the erratic behavior of the United Nations commission, which posted its report on social media instead of submitting copies to the electoral authorities and the UN Secretary-General, as is customary — points to an international conspiracy aimed at creating a post-truth narrative that presents Venezuela as a failed state.
The national situation remains relatively calm, and Chavismo has proven its strength through massive peaceful marches across the country. However, the international situation remains tense. How do you see this?
In 2018 and 2019, we had the support of ALBA countries. Beyond that, Venezuela was practically isolated, and yet the Bolivarian Revolution endured. We faced near-total isolation: whenever President Maduro declared his intention to attend a summit, other leaders threatened to withdraw their participation. They demonized him, accused him of heading a drug cartel in a New York district court, and even attempted to assassinate him!
While the world may view the ongoing situation as surprising, for us, it's simply a regular day. We know how to navigate these circumstances and overcome challenges.
However, it becomes evident that if the Western world — located geographically where we are — needs to sustain its hegemony; if the main Western power, the US, needs oil, gas, and other resources; and if Venezuela has oil, gas, and other resources, along with a democratic system that serves the people's interests and not corporate ones, it is understandable that the imperialists would work to discredit us, isolate us, and attack us. Our role is to remain steadfast, as Cuba has for so many years. We must defend our sovereignty.
You are now the Secretary of ALBA-TCP. Can you tell us more about this powerful initiative that Chávez established in 2004?
The Alliance was invented as an alternative to the Free Trade Area of the Americas, which was essentially an expansionist, colonizing initiative led by Washington. The FTAA [George W. Bush initiative] would have heightened dependency and stripped Latin American countries of their sovereignty. Furthermore, the FTAA aimed to alter national institutions, including the armed forces of each participating country.
The only leader who challenged the FTAA proposal at the "4th Summit of the Americas" [2005] in Mar del Plata was Hugo Chávez. Shortly after, during the counter-summit, Comandante Chávez proposed the creation of a continental ALBA agreement. The idea and first steps had originated from an agreement signed between Fidel and Chávez in 2004, but the project had to evolve.
ALBA is a project that aims to actualize Simón Bolívar's vision, which was not about integrating the continent's elites but about uniting its peoples. In that spirit, ALBA is about governments and pueblos building a common agenda to advance toward unity.
ALBA is a space for integration that places people, families, and communities at its center. Although ALBA operates in the social and economic realms, it's not a typical customs union, a common external tariff agreement, or a space focused on boosting trade within existing parameters. ALBA is a different kind of union.
Today, in the BRICS alliance, there is talk of de-dollarization, developing alternative currencies, and having its own bank. Almost two decades ago, Chávez had already devised the Banco del ALBA and introduced the Sucre currency as a means of exchange. However, what truly differentiates ALBA is its social character, reflected in the number of social movements and organized communities aligned with it. This is a unique characteristic of ALBA.
When Venezuela joined Mercosur, Chávez stressed the necessity to reform the project and imbue it with a social dimension. Similarly, CELAC was designed as a project to advance Bolívar's dream of continental integration.
All these precedents are relevant when contemplating the BRICS.
Returning to ALBA, it should be evident by now that it encompasses far more than just the ten member countries and the social movements associated with it. ALBA embodies humanity's shared dream of a world of equals living in peace and unity.
It's no secret that ALBA has lost some momentum compared to its early days. However, it seems there's a rejuvenation in the works. Is this true?
The attacks on Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua in recent years have undeniably affected the effectiveness of the Alliance. The influence of Petrocaribe, an integral part of ALBA, has also been significantly impacted by the US blockade. With Venezuela's economy and oil production recovering, ALBA and Petrocaribe are regaining strength once again.
It's undeniable that ALBA continues to be the only regional forum on this continent that speaks with a unified voice. The Organization of American States, a colonial mechanism, grapples with internal issues, UNASUR has been dismantled, and the CAN [Andean Community] is a distant memory. Meanwhile, Mercosur is wrapped up in endless discussions about whether or not to sign a free trade agreement with the European Union.
Even though the imperialist siege has affected ALBA, it remains the only mechanism in the region with a distinct, unified voice. It has its own financing mechanism, the ALBA Bank, which I mentioned earlier.
Not only have we persevered, but we've also made progress during these difficult times. Would ALBA have advanced further and become stronger if it hadn't confronted these challenges? Undoubtedly. But we're here, and we haven't been disbanded or silenced!
To grasp an entity like ALBA, it's useful to know the programs and initiatives it offers. Can you elaborate on that?
ALBA boasts a significant impact in various areas. For example, it has facilitated over six million cataract surgeries, provided literacy programs to a similar number of people, and integrated millions into alternative education systems. These programs exceed the ten ALBA countries.
Additionally, ALBA has inspired productive projects that focus on collaboration rather than competition. Through Petrocaribe, ALBA has supported infrastructure projects like bridges, roads, and hospitals. A significant portion of the reconstruction of Port-au-Prince after the [2010] earthquake was financed by ALBA.
I should stress that when ALBA offers assistance, it does so without demanding anything in return, without incurring debt. Its sole focus is to bestow well-being, health, knowledge, and dignity.
- The Bolivarian Alliance for the People of Our America - People's Trade Treaty (ALBA-TCP), founded in 2004 by Fidel Castro and Hugo Chávez, is a political initiative aimed at fostering bonds among the people of Latin America and the Caribbean.
- The democratization process within the Bolivarian Process is rich and transformative, extending beyond elections to everyday community governance, with approximately 170,000 elections in communes and communal councils taking place from 2006 to the present.
- The relationship between power and democracy within the Bolivarian Process stems from the belief that both political and economic power should serve the people and be wielded by the pueblo within the territory.
- The Bolivarian Alliance for the People of Our America, despite facing numerous attempts to overthrow Venezuela's Chavista governments, remains the only regional forum with a distinct, unified voice and has facilitated significant social programs, such as over six million cataract surgeries, literacy programs, and infrastructure projects.
