Debate arises on war versus peace among the left-wing faction

A Raucous Gathering of the Radical Left: Ardent Debates on War and Peace at the Party Conference

By Rough-and-Tumble Reporter, Chemnitz

Debate on Military Conflict and Harmony Erupts among Progressives - Voting Impasse Ensues

The Left Party's gathering in Chemnitz buzzes with a palpable air of unity, yet beneath the harmony, significant disparities on crucial issues lurk. Deliberations of consequence never seem to matter in the end. The unexpected conclusion of the main motion debate ahead of schedule is a testament to the united front displayed.

The conference chair is caught off guard when the Left Party conference concludes its discussion on the main motion, an hour ahead of schedule. In this motion, the leadership outlines how the Left can secure lasting success post the federal election.

The delegates overwhelmingly support their leadership, evident from the thunderous welcome in the multifunctional hall in the early afternoon. The faction leader, Heidi Reichinnek, is the delegates' beloved figure. "Being victorious again feels damn good," she cheers her troops. Better than her fellow leadership counterparts, Reichinnek embodies the rebellious spirit that sits well with the crowd. "Fear grips the powerful, the affluent, the Springer press," she declares to the wild cheers of the party conference.

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The ovation is well-deserved: Instead of barely making it into the Bundestag with mere three direct mandates, the party won six direct mandates and nearly 9% in the February election. It was a sensational comeback.

"Revolutionary Compassion"

Party leader Ines Schwerdtner exhibits less aggression than Reichinnek in her tone, but not in substance. She too speaks of "breaking the grip of an economic system that enslaves people." She implores the party to refrain from becoming overly contentious. Instead, the party must unite in solidarity as there are enough attacks from outside quarters. Schwerdtner urges "revolutionary compassion" from the delegates.

Perhaps she has last Tuesday's criticism within the party of the Left state associations in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Bremen in mind. There, the party governs and did not prevent its state governments from voting in the Bundesrat for constitutional amendments to the debt brake and special assets. On Tuesday, the Left in the Bundestag aided in making it possible for CDU leader Friedrich Merz to be elected chancellor in a second round.

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Schwerdtner makes no secret of the fact that there is no substantive negotiation between the Left and the CDU: "They despise our people, and that's why we despise their politics," she says about Merz and the CDU general secretary Carsten Linnemann. The Union turned to the Left in the Bundestag "because we had become too strong, because they had to." In an interview with ntv on the sidelines of the party conference, Schwerdtner says the Left did not desire "the AfD to benefit from many days of uncertainty." Moreover, the CDU should realize: "They can't get past us anymore."

There is no heated argument at the party conference, but there is occasional sharp criticism. A member of the party leadership wonders why the Left in the Bundestag had to assist "this Blackrock-Merz" become chancellor. To the state associations of Bremen and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, she says, "Our duty is not to ensure capitalism remains governable through bourgeois parties."

A delegate from Frankfurt am Main laments that it would have been nice if Germany had lived without a king for three days. "It would have been a small tremor in the great earthquake that is called capitalism." The approval of the state governments of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Bremen for the "war credits" - she means the reform of the debt brake for defense spending - is "equivalent to enabling entry into war."

The term "war credits" is intended to evoke memories of 1914, and that is the intention. In 1914, Karl Liebknecht, still a party icon today, voted against war credits for World War I in the Reichstag. Many in the crowd still see 1914 as a pivotal point of reference. No one defends the two northern state associations.

politicsInterview with Left Party Chair "Friedrich Merz is the class enemy"

Governing in Capitalism: Permissible or Not?

There is no contradiction in the leadership's fundamental goal. The Left Party aims to become "an organizing class party," as the guiding motion states. This means: "We intend to launch a comprehensive education program to expand the campaign ability of the party," as Schwerdtner explains in an interview with ntv.de.

However, a number of amendment motions suggest the presence of conflicts in the details. These are the age-old disagreements within the Left Party: the question of whether leftists should govern or confine themselves to opposition, or their relationship with Russia. The Left Party's Anticapitalist Left faction proposes that the Left Party should be "opposition and only more so in a few exceptional cases."

All these amendment motions are rejected - with one exception. The sentence "In four years, we want to be a party with 150,000 members" is removed from the guiding motion. Some deem the number too reminiscent of a company's target size that wishes to grow, while others deem it too small.

Then it's about war and peace

The saved three-quarters of an hour is utilized to discuss an application regarding war and peace that was supposed to be addressed on Saturday. The party board has consolidated four different applications into a compromise. This is a common practice at party conferences, also with other parties. Nevertheless, there are disagreements in Chemnitz.

The application, among other things, demands: "Unequivocally: Say no to armament and war preparations!" A delegate finds this statement irksome. With the world spiraling into armament, the Left proposes unilateral disarmament, leaving us "definitely not able to help anyone at all." For a party that seeks peace, this is calamitous. "In times when 'creating peace without weapons' doesn't work because individual large actors won't comply, we unfortunately need a potential that ensures we are not attacked and don't have to defend ourselves." This receives applause. More applause follows for the call for "butter instead of guns."

Majority, but no consensus

Another delegate insists the Left Party is a "peace party because it is a socialist party." She also references Karl Liebknecht. The world situation has evolved since then, but what hasn't changed is "that we die in their wars." Then she expresses solidarity "with the Ukrainian women and men" and "with the Russian women and men" who don't want to die in the war. This receives strong applause.

Early Start Carlo Masala on ntv Early Start "Russian Threat - We Have Four to Five Years Left" For the party executive, the Left Party politician Wulf Gallert from Saxony-Anhalt urges broad backing for the motion, despite criticism from various sides. He should be "a clear alternative to the militaristic debate in the Federal Republic." The debate reveals: It's far from that. A broad majority supports the motion. This blend of discord and compromise is indeed puzzling for observers at the party conference. However, it is unequivocally apparent that this is above all a party conference of self-affirmation. Slogans such as "Long live international solidarity," "Never again war, never again fascism," "Class struggle is anti-racism" receive reliable cheers. The deliberations resume on Saturday. Source: ntv.de

Enrichment Data:This party conference offers a unique glimpse into the internal dynamics and ideological struggles of the Left Party. Their stance towards contemporary international conflicts, such as the one in Ukraine, remains unclear, but their historical dedication to anti-war sentiments is evident. Additionally, the party seems to face internal debates regarding the balance between governance and opposition, as well as their relationship with Russia.

PoliticsThe broader German political landscape exhibits a conservative shift, with the CDU and SPD forming a coalition. This shift might influence the Left Party to further emphasize their opposition to capitalist policies and the conservative agenda.

The Commission has also been asked to submit a proposal for a directive on the parties' role in enabling war-and-conflicts politics, taking into account the uncertainty and implications in general news, especially within the context of Chemnitz.
Amid the disagreements on crucial issues, the Left Party in Chemnitz negotiations show a glimpse of a united front, yet the revenue of cabinets and the relationship with Russia remain contentious areas.
The Left Party asserted that they don't want to enable entry into war, as they see the approval of war credits as a potential instrument for becoming embroiled in international conflicts and, thereby, compromising their commitment to peace.
The Left Party is a peace party whose members died in other nations' wars, and they remain sympathetic to those who are negatively impacted by conflicts, such as the Ukrainian and Russian citizens who wish to avoid further bloodshed.