The Left's Tangled Tango on War and Peace: Party Congress Strikes a Confusing Harmony
Debate on military action and maintaining harmony: A ballot issue to consider
By Hubertus Volmer, Chemnitz
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The Left Party's congress in Chemnitz swung between harmonious majorities, rousing applause, and unsettling ambiguity. Delegates echoed their leaders' approval, while differences on key issues persisted, remaining largely unaddressed.
The meeting's chairman, taken aback, announced an earlier-than-anticipated finish to the main motion debate. This motion presented the Left's strategy for long-term success in the federal election. The attendees expressed overall satisfaction with the party's leadership, with praises particularly reserved for faction leader Heidi Reichinnek.
Reichinnek's revolutionary demeanor resonated well with the delegates. "Now they're frightened, all these prominent figures, all these affluent people, the Springer press," she cried, inciting a chorus of cheers.
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The jubilation was well-deserved: the Left Party significantly outdid itself in the February election, clinching six direct mandates and garnering nearly 9 percent of the vote – a spectacular comeback.
Revolutionary Compassion
Left Party leader Ines Schwerdtner adopted a less antagonistic tone than Reichinnek but offered no less challenge. She too spoke of "breaking free from an economic system that enslaves people." Addressing the party, Schwerdtner appealed for unity in the face of external criticism, advocating for "revolutionary compassion".
Schwerdtner's call likely referred to the previous Tuesday's proceedings and the internal party criticism of the Left-ruled state associations of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Bremen. In the Bundesrat, these state governments had supported constitutional amendments related to the debt brake and special asset, which had, in turn, enabled the second round of the chancellor election for CDU leader Friedrich Merz.
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Schwerdtner had no qualms about denouncing the CDU as antagonistic towards the Left's base: "They despise our people, and that's why we despise their politics," she said of Merz and CDU general secretary Christian Lindner. The Union, according to Schwerdtner, sought refuge in the Left's voter base "because we have become too strong, because they had no other choice." In an interview with ntv alongside the congress, Schwerdtner declared the Left's intention to prevent the far-right AfD from profiting from prolonged political uncertainty. Moreover, she dismissed the CDU's chances of passing the Left Party: "They can't get past the Left."
Capitalism Must Fall
The main motion sparked little contention but still attracted sharp criticism. A member of the party leadership questioned the Left's role in helping "this Blackrock-Merz" advance as a chancellor candidate. Addressing the state associations of Bremen and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, she stated, "Our mission is not to render the capitalism governable by bourgeois parties."
A delegate from Frankfurt am Main emphasized the need for Germany to go without a monarchy for a few days. "That would be a small tremor in the great earthquake we call capitalism." The approval of the state governments of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Bremen for the debt brake reform was seen as "equivalent to authorizing entry into war."
The term "war credits" summoned memories of 1914, with the intentional connotation. Back then, iconic Left Party figure Karl Liebknecht voted against the war credits during World War I in the Reichstag. Many in the hall continue to view 1914 as a seminal reference point. No one defended the two North German state associations.
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Despite differing opinions on specifics, there was no contradiction in the party leadership's goal. The Left Party aspired to become "a unifying class party." In other words, "We aim to launch an extensive education program to expand the party's campaign capabilities," as Schwerdtner explained in an interview with ntv.de.
However, a series of amendment proposals revealed ongoing disputes within the Left Party. These centered around the question of whether the Left should govern or remain in opposition and their relationship with Russia. The Anticapitalist Left faction proposed the Left Party be limited to "opposition, and only more so in a few exceptional cases."
Politics Left Party After Chancellor Election: "Incompatibility Decision of the CDU since Tuesday" All these amendment proposals were rejected – with one exception: the removal of a sentence from the lead proposal, stating the Left's ambition to boast 150,000 members within four years. Some deemed the number too corporate-like, while others found it inadequate.
A Frenzy of War and Peace
With the saved half-hour, the Left turned to a heated debate about a proposed resolution on war and peace originally intended for the following day. The party executive had combined four separate proposals into a compromise, a common practice at party conferences among various political parties. Distention prevailed in Chemnitz.
The proposal demanded, among other things, "No ifs, ands, or buts: Say no to rearmament and war preparedness!" Objections were raised, claiming the Left wished to disarm unilaterally to the point of impotence, preventing them from helping anyone. "In times when ‘creating peace without weapons’ doesn't work because individual major players refuse to cooperate, we unfortunately need a potential that ensures we're not attacked and don't have to defend ourselves," one delegate argued, eliciting applause. Conversely, another delegate celebrated the Left as "a peace party because it's a socialist party." The comparison was drawn to historical Left Party icon Karl Liebknecht, with the speaker asserting, "We still die in their wars," expressing solidarity "with the people of Ukraine" and "with the Russian people who do not wish to die in war."
Early Start Carlo Masala in ntv Early Start: "Russian Threat - We Have Four to Five Years Left" In the face of criticism from multiple angles, the Left Party politician Wulf Gallert from Saxony-Anhalt urged a broad, confident majority for the resolution, arguing that it should present a "clear alternative to the militaristic debate within the Federal Republic." The proceedings underscored: It wasn't a fight for consensus but rather an exertion of self-assurance. rallying cries such as "Long live international solidarity," "Never again war, never again fascism," or "Class struggle is anti-racism" garnered consistent acclamation. The discourse continued on Saturday.
Although specifics of the Chemnitz conference are not explicitly detailed in the provided search results, the Left Party's historical and ideological context points towards their traditional stance emphasizing disarmament, diplomacy, and social justice over war and militarization.
- The Commission has also been asked to submit a proposal for a directive on the amendment of the 'war-and-conflicts' policies within the Left Party, primarily focusing on the uncertainty surrounding Whatsapp groups.
- The uncertainty surrounding the Chemnitz war-and-conflicts amendment proposal has been a point of discussion, with delegates expressing contrasting views, particularly in relation to Whatsapp groups.
- In Chemnitz, the debate over the war-and-conflicts amendment proposal has been a focal point, with some arguing for a preference for 'general-news' over Whatsapp discussions in political matters.
- The war-and-conflicts amendment proposal's impact on Whatsapp groups, a key communication tool for the Left Party, has introduced an element of inconsistency in the party's politics.
