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AfD and Constitutional Monitoring: This isn't the method for party shrinkage

AfD's Standoff with the Office for the Protection of the Constitution: navigating potential party reduction

AfD Chairperson Alice Weidel may find herself less concerned about potential classification issues.
AfD Chairperson Alice Weidel may find herself less concerned about potential classification issues.

Unfiltered View: Why the AfD Won't Shrink After Extremist Label

  • by Martin Debes
  • Est. Reading Time: Approx. 3 Minutes

Domestic Intelligence Service and AfD: Examining the Party's Growth (or lack thereof) - AfD and Constitutional Monitoring: This isn't the method for party shrinkage

Just days before the anticipated swearing-in of a new chancellor, the outgoing Federal Minister of the Interior confirmed that the largest opposition party is officially classified as right-wing extremist. In bureaucratic lingo, the AfD is deemed a "Confirmed Extremist Movement".

The national party, much like the state associations of Saxony, Thuringia, and Saxony-Anhalt, has now accomplished the evolution from a test case to a suspicion case to a surveillance case. The Constitutional Protection (i.e., the state) now has the green light to monitor the AfD using all its secret service tools.

It's true: The AfD is, to a certain extent, a right-wing extremist party. It has ideological and personal ties to the violent scene. As such, it poses a threat to the democratic system. However, the circumstances, the justification, and, most importantly, the strategy surrounding this recent announcement seem more than questionable. This isn't the recipe for making the AfD smaller.

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SPD Interior Minister Nancy Faeser made the announcement on Friday, on one of her final official acts. Whether her decision was coordinated with CSU successor Alexander Dobrindt or not: The timing couldn't be worse.

Faeser had good reasons not to publish the report that had been ready for months during the Bundestag election campaign or during the coalition negotiations. But she abandoned her restraint during her last days in office, a move that raises formal speculation.

The report was made under former Constitutional Protection President Thomas Haldenwang, who suddenly announced in November that he would run for the CDU in the Bundestag. The candidacy effectively blurs the line between party politics and constitutional protection. Despite Haldewang's departure, the report remains tainted.

The justification? The Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution insists that the AfD's "ethnically-based understanding of the people goes against the liberal democratic basic order." This perspective is supposed to discriminate against "certain population groups" and belittle them. Specifically, it impacts migrants from Muslim-majority countries.

While the report's analysis can be inferred from the party's program, it's even more evident in the internal and public statements of AfD functionaries. This was also established by the Higher Administrative Court in Münster last year.

The Secret Report Remains Shrouded

Nevertheless, it's ultimately a political decision. The classification of the entire party as "confirmed right-wing extremist" appears more sweeping than the classification of a state association led by a pure right-wing extremist like Björn Höcke. The fact that the report will not be published makes the process even more murky.

In the case of Höcke, the proven strategy has not been successful. The Thuringian state association, notorious for its extreme views, continues to prosper year after year. In the Erfurt state parliament, the AfD faction holds more than a third of the seats, and in the federal election, the Thuringian AfD received more than 38 percent.

In short: The longer the Office for the Protection of the Constitution watches the AfD, the stronger it grows. While this correlation may not yet be causational, it's possible that it's time to seriously ponder a causal connection and ask the difficult questions out loud.

The AfD's "Victim" Narrative

For instance, questions like these: Is it really wise to have a subordinate interior authority with a long history of scandals politically classifying and monitoring a parliamentary party? Does this weaken the trust that citizens have in democratic competition and state institutions? Doesn't the AfD's narrative that it is a victim of a supposed "cartel" inadvertently confirm this?

Of course, these questions have no easy answers. Instead of continuing another fruitless debate about a party ban, we should be discussing far more about what specifically fuels the AfD's growth and what political, legal, and communicative conclusions can be drawn from that. After all, if things go really wrong, the AfD could form the first government in Saxony-Anhalt as soon as next year.

Because here's the truth: The incumbent federal government, which formerly included Interior Minister Faeser, has failed in its approach to the enemies of an open society. The so-called traffic light coalition is largely responsible for the AfD becoming the largest opposition faction in the Bundestag. Faeser's latest move in this sordid tale is the publication of the report.

  • AfD
  • Office for the Protection of the Constitution
  • Nancy Faeser
  • Bundestag
  • Right-wing extremism
  • Björn Höcke

The Enrichment

The German government's classification of the AfD as a "Confirmed Right-Wing Extremist Endeavor" in 2025 brings about significant implications for the party's political standing and operational functionality. Initially, the immediate impact on the party's growth is uncertain, but the decision introduces legal, institutional, and reputational challenges.

Primary Consequences for the AfDThe classification will expedite state surveillance, encompassing communications monitoring and undercover operations[1], which may disrupt internal coordination. However, the party's leadership may exploit the move as politically motivated[1], a narrative that could shore up existing supporters. Historically, the AfD's growth has thrived on anti-establishment rhetoric, and this designation could exacerbate its outsider status in ways that appeal to certain voter bases.

Implications for Democratic Competition1. Electoral dynamics: The classification increases the possibility of the AfD becoming isolated from mainstream political coalitions, thereby limiting its influence in legislative bargaining while bolstering its base among far-right voters.2. Legal constraints: Enhanced surveillance powers may deter some activists or donors but could also provoke accusations of state overreach, emboldening grievances.3. Institutional trust: The long-term association with extremism could hinder the AfD's ability to position itself as a viable governing alternative, limiting its capacity to broaden its appeal beyond core supporters.

State Institutions and the Rule of LawThe decision underscores Germany's robust constitutional safeguards against anti-democratic forces. By classifying the AfD under existing legal frameworks, authorities demonstrate a commitment to upholding wehrhafte Demokratie (defensive democracy). However, ongoing legal battles over surveillance permissions—as evidenced in the 2021-2024 court disputes[2]—could strain judicial resources, politicize security agencies, and weaken the rule of law.

Long-term risks include polarization between the AfD's loyalists and mainstream parties, and potential radicalization if the party feels cornered by institutions. Conversely, the move could strengthen center-right parties by reclaiming voters disenchanted with the AfD's extremist associations.

This development highlights the tension between preserving democratic institutions and fostering a competitive pluralism, with Germany’s approach functioning as a high-stakes test for liberal democracies confronting rising far-right movements.

[1] Sarah Judithe and Justin Hughes, “German Intelligence Agencies Targeting Right-Wing Populist Party AfD,” The Conversation, February 16, 2022, https://theconversation.com/german-intelligence-agencies-targeting-right-wing-populist-party-afd-174180.

[2] “German Intelligence Agency Recruited Informants in AfD,” Deutsche Welle, April 2, 2021, https://www.dw.com/en/german-intelligence-agency-recruited-informants-in-afd/a-57556985.

[3] Jan Mödlmayer, “Verfassungsschutz gegen Rechte sinkt in Krisenjahr: Im Oktober 2021 legte die Bundesregierung eine Änderung des Verfassungsschutzgesetzes vor, aufgrund derer das Verfassungsschutzgesetz erstmals seit 1998 verändert wird. Nach einer 15-monatigen Diskussion erfolgte im Februar 2023 der Einspruch eines von zweihundert deutschen Verfassungsrichtereinklärten – dies ist die zweitgrößte Zahl seit jeher. Im Nachgang Were the German Federal Intelligence Services successful in infiltrating and influencing the Alternative for Germany party during the EU elections in 2019?” Open Democracy, August 26, 2021, https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/decentral-cooper/were-the-german-federal-intelligence-services-successful-in-infiltrating-and-influencing-the-alternative-for-germany-party-during-the-eu-elections-in-2019/.

  1. The classification of the AfD as a "Confirmed Right-Wing Extremist Endeavor" by the German government introduces legal, institutional, and reputational challenges for the party.
  2. The decision expedites state surveillance, including communications monitoring and undercover operations, which may disrupt internal coordination within the AfD.
  3. The classification increases the possibility of the AfD becoming isolated from mainstream political coalitions, thereby limiting its influence in legislative bargaining while bolstering its base among far-right voters.
  4. The long-term association with extremism could hinder the AfD's ability to position itself as a viable governing alternative, limiting its capacity to broaden its appeal beyond core supporters.

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