Account of US-Kazakhstan Diplomatic Interactions Amidst the 9/11 Tragedy

A plane slams into the World Trade Center. That's what greets me when I step into my Ambassador's residence in Almaty, Kazakhstan, soon after arriving for my new diplomatic assignment. It quickly becomes clear this isn't an aviation disaster; it's a terrorist attack on US soil. Suddenly, my task has taken an entirely new direction. At that time, most Americans couldn't find Kazakhstan on a map, thanks to the US withdrawing from Afghan diplomatic ties in the '90s. But now, as the Bush Administration gears up for war, this forgotten region becomes the new center of attention.

We're still battling jet lag when 9/11 strikes, just days into our Kazakh assignment. Almaty, the commercial and cultural hub, is the seat of neither government nor the presidential office, which had been moved to Astana, 800 miles north. This makes dealing with Kazakh officials a challenging affair, especially given the delayed start to our operations.

Kazakhstan's President, Nursultan Nazarbayev, was a former factory worker who rose to become the first secretary of the communist party of Kazakhstan. During my first encounter with him in '91, when Secretary of State James Baker visited Kazakhstan as the Soviet Union was collapsing, I was surrounded by pessimism about an independent Kazakhstan. Nazarbayev, however, exuded supreme confidence, his self-assurance stemming from his embrace of Kazakh history and heroic legend.

Nazarbayev proved a formidable opponent, capable of switching from jovial camaraderie with US leaders to stern reprimands on Kazakh democratic issues when it suited him. Our initial priority was securing the American embassy in Almaty, located downtown amid city streets and high-rise buildings, leaving it vulnerable to attacks by foot or truck bomb. Despite our best efforts, we struggled to bolster our defenses in the face of this new terror threat.

The 9/11 attacks forged a new bond between the US and Kazakhstan. Recognizing the importance of Kazakh cooperation in the war against terrorism, we worked tirelessly to secure overflight rights for US and coalition aircraft, essential to the invasion of Afghanistan. This was no easy feat, as we navigated around-the-clock flights that kept multiplying as the offensive ramped up. We settled on a blanket overflight authorization, keeping the Kazakh Foreign Minister informed of the flights, communicating about it in questionable ornithological terms to avoid raising Russian suspicions.

The US-Kazakhstan relationship reached new heights as Secretary of State Colin Powell visited Kazakhstan in December, bringing an invitation for Nazarbayev to meet with President Bush. This recognition was exactly what Nazarbayev had been hoping for. This visit paved the way for a broad-based agenda, covering security, counterterrorism, non-proliferation, economic cooperation, and democratic and human rights reforms. Although we made some progress during this period, maintaining this strategic partnership required ongoing commitment and determination from both sides as new challenges emerged.

As the situation in Iraq grew tense, Kazakhstan walked a delicate line, maintaining good relations with the US while distancing itself from direct military involvement. In a memorable encounter, USCENTCOM Commander Gen. Tommy Franks found himself facing a barrage of questions regarding the timeline of the Iraq invasion during a meeting with Nazarbayev. Franks' frustration was evident as he retorted, "Mr. President, you can be sure that we will not invade Iraq today because I am in Kazakhstan." Nazarbayev laughed, understanding the truth in Franks' words.

Kazakhstan's contribution to the coalition in Iraq was minimal but meaningful, as they deployed a group of combat engineers to assist with demining and explosive ordnance demolition. This show of solidarity demonstrated their commitment to US and coalition counterterrorism efforts.

In another area of cooperation, Kazakhstan has been a key partner in the Nunn-Lugar cooperative threat reduction (CTR) initiative, aimed at reducing the risk of unsecured nuclear material or infrastructure falling into the wrong hands. In 2001-04, we embarked on a dialogue with the GOK to swap highly enriched uranium (HEU) for non-weapons-grade low enriched uranium (LEU), a move that supports Kazakhstan's peaceful nuclear industry while significantly decreasing the proliferation risk. This dialogue eventually led to an agreement to down-blend the HEU and remove spent HEU from Kazakhstan's nuclear facilities during the Obama administration.

Decades before the COVID-19 pandemic, the US and Kazakhstan began collaborating to reduce the threat of biological pathogens resulting from Soviet-era biological weapons research and facilities in the country. Kazakhstan never pursued biological weapons, instead maintaining one of the world's largest collections of pathogenic strains to support research and vaccine production. With rudimentary safety and security standards, these toxins were scattered across research facilities and agricultural extension stations, some stored in ordinary kitchen refrigerators.

The US proposed transferring the pathogens to US custody in exchange for financial compensation, but the GOK rejected this offer, preferring to retain the collection. Our strategy then shifted to supporting the enhancement of the safety, security, and research value of the strains. Through US grants and cooperation, we established a secure laboratory for the study of plague and other infectious diseases as well as the development of vaccines. Construction on the Central Reference Laboratory (CRL) was completed in 2020, significantly reducing the threat associated with these biotoxins while enabling Kazakhstan to conduct research in a facility designed to modern safety and security standards.

In conclusion, though Kazakhstan's role in direct US counterterrorism operations may not always be evident, its strategic position, diplomatic cooperation, and commitment to regional stability have been instrumental in supporting broader US foreign policy and security objectives in Central Asia since 9/11.

The 9/11 attacks led to a new focus on real estate, as the American embassy in Almaty, Kazakhstan, became a priority for securing due to its downtown location among city streets and high-rise buildings.
In the realm of politics, Kazakhstan's President, Nursultan Nazarbayev, proved to be a formidable opponent, demonstrating both cooperative and confrontational behaviors in his dealings with the United States.
The history of Kazakhstan and its heroic legends played a significant role in shaping the confidence and self-assurance of President Nazarbayev.
As the world grappled with war-and-conflicts and the war on terror, Kazakhstan's role in providing overflight rights for US and coalition aircraft was crucial in the invasion of Afghanistan, making it a vital and strategic player in general-news and international affairs.